美英韩文化强国建设的三种模式探析

习近平总书记指出，每个国家的历史传统、文化积淀、基本国情不同，其发展道路必然有着自己的特色。美英韩文化强国建设就呈现了各自特色。如果说超级大国之美国的文化强国建设归结起来可称为“市场主导模式”，那么老牌帝国之英国的文化强国建设归结起来或是“社会参与模式”，新兴强国之韩国的文化强国建设归结起来可谓“政府引导模式”。中国可镜鉴其有益之处，经过科学的扬弃后使之为我所用。     

对海洋霸权与大陆均势关系的再探讨

虽然以往研究海洋霸权与大陆均势关系的成果颇丰,但还是存在一些不足。为此,本文对海洋霸权与大陆均势关系的结构类型、运行机制及其影响等进行了深化与细化。在海洋霸权国国力大于或小于或等于大陆均势中的有关国家的不同情况下,大陆均势可以分为不需要海洋霸权仅凭大陆国家就能形成的大陆均势和需要海洋霸权且支持其中一方才能形成的大陆均势。不同的国力对比和均势构成情况,对海洋霸权与大陆国家的政治安全与经济发展所产生的影响是不同的。经过分析和比较,本文得出结论:海陆分界难分优劣,关系互补战略呼应,这就是美英极力推行海洋霸权与大陆均势战略的现实诠释。     

儒、商互动与晚明郎署文学权力之下降

奢靡世风之下的儒、商互动,建立在士人逐利、商贾求名基础之上,导致士商相混,界限模糊。这一方面促使郎署文人自觉不自觉地调整、改易着其写作风貌,以前多适用于上流社会的一些应用文体,很大程度上因之走向商贾、市井之家,逐渐普泛化、世俗化。另一方面,它又是“性灵”说的催生剂。同时,还使得一些郎署文人关注通俗文学,自觉参与到小说、戏曲等通俗文学样式的创作、刊刻、批评与传播过程中。这从内外两个层面,对郎署文学形成很大冲撞,致使其文学权力下降。从某种意义上说,这标志着晚明文学开始由以传统诗文为主的雅文学,逐渐向以小说、戏曲为重心的通俗文学转型。     

论“国际社会”的意识形态性——兼论我国国际话语权的提升

作为国际政治领域的重要概念，“国际社会”具有两面性。从表面上看，“国际社会”是国际行为体之间开展合作的场域，应建构和维护国际秩序的公平正义，因而在国际交往中不应以意识形态为标准和以意识形态划线；从本质上看，“国际社会”是国际行为体开展国家利益和意识形态博弈的重要场域，具有强烈的意识形态性。“国际社会”意识形态性的关键是国际话语权，其实质是国家(或国际社会成员)的国际利益。从意识形态的角度考察“国际社会”，有利于看清“国际社会”的本质，这对于深入理解国际热点问题和国际舆论的实质，特别是对于我国国际话语权的建设与提升，具有重要意义。     

Room for manoeuvre: User participation in water resources management in Burkina Faso

Participation in natural resources management is widely promoted in sub‐Saharan Africa, but faces mounting criticism from social science scholars who rarely engage with it in practice. We use the notion of room for manoeuvre to reflect on a multi‐level participatory approach designed to support the Burkinabè Integrated Water Resources Management policy and propose ways of engaging constructively with local users and policy‐makers. Within an “invited space” of participation, water users’ room for manoeuvre was enhanced through the acquisition of new knowledge on the legal Integrated Water Resources Management (IWRM) framework. This allowed them to interact with decision‐makers and to extend their networks. Power imbalances were discussed, but this did not lead to modifying existing power structures that hinge on broader societal dynamics.     

Contesting racism: how do the black middle-class use cultural consumption for anti-racism?

ABSTRACT

Drawing on interviews with thirty-two black British professionals, and ethnographic work in middle-class cultural spaces across London, this paper asks ‘How do the black middle-class use cultural consumption for anti-racism?’ I argue that the black middle-class contest the racial hierarchy at three levels through their cultural consumption: the material, the ideological, and the symbolic. At the material level, black middle-class people consume cultural forms they decode as ‘white’ in order to establish an equity with whites in levels of cultural capital. At the ideological level, black middle-class people consume cultural forms that uplift meanings and representations of blackness, thus challenging controlling images of blackness. Lastly, at the symbolic level, black middle-class folks create and sustain cultural spaces where black people’s cultural and symbolic knowledge is given proper recognition and authority.     

The Leverage of Protest: Market,Media, and Reputational Disruption in Social Movement Success

How do social movements gain concessions from large corporations? The ability of protests to attain leverage by imposing disruption costs on their targets is widely assumed but less often tested. In this article, we assess the ability of protests to attain concessions by disrupting three broad sources of interest to firm officials: maximizing shareholder value, gaining positive media, and fostering a well-reputed image. In contrast to the body of research on the benefits to movements from shaping media discourses and damaging the reputations of their targets, we find that only market disruption provides protests with leverage. We show this through statistical analyses of an original database of protests against large corporations in the United States over five years, 2005–2009. This study advances social movement and organizational research by demonstrating the ways in which the interests of large corporations provide insurgents with means of attaining leverage over their targets. It also speaks to the broad debate over the importance of disrupting the material versus symbolic interests of movement targets. Our results suggest that when it comes to obtaining concessions from large corporations, it is material disruption and not symbolic disruption that provides movements with leverage.     

Note passing as gendered practices of public ambiguity in a hyper‐masculine organization

This article explores a surprising and seemingly mundane organizational practice: passing notes during professional meetings. Based on 34 in‐depth interviews with women in a hyper‐masculine organization — the Israeli military — this study focuses on what I term gendered practices of public ambiguity. It demonstrates how these practices shed light on three interrelated paths to power at work: (i) practices of public intimacy between men; (ii) practices of women's degradation by men; and (iii) practices of recognition claims by women. The tension between the publicity inherent in the routine passing of notes and the ambiguity of their contents calls for a more nuanced theorization of gendered power practices, which transcends the accepted dichotomy of doing and undoing gender, reproducing or challenging the symbolic gender order. The findings show that gendered micro‐practices can become polysemic symbolic spaces in which women redirect the flow of power, if only temporarily and locally, and turn it into a multidirectional and multi‐agentic resource. The conceptual contribution of these findings is discussed in terms of the positioning of women in hyper‐masculine environments as pragmatic subjects who (re‐)construct mechanisms of power out of the restricted repertoire available to them.     

大众消费文化背景下高雅音乐推广路径研究——以福建省为例

大众消费文化背景下，福建省高雅音乐推广存在消费意识比较薄弱、高雅音乐自身“高”“雅”、消费环境不够完善等问题，对此，可通过提高认知因素、丰富自身因素、优化环境因素三个途径改进，以期提高福建人民精神文化水平，推进福建省社会文明发展。